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Государство, религия, церковь в России и за рубежом
2022. — Выпуск 1
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The article examines the evidences of the early hagiographic tradition about the attitude of Christians to Rome. For the martyrs themselves, who were striving for death, the opposition to the Romans did not matter, but this topic could attract the attention of the authors and editors of the acta and passions. The surviving texts do not directly accuse Christians of conspiracy, nor are there obvious manifestations of their political disloyalty, but some of the ideas contained in them make it possible to understand the concerns of the Romans. First of all, this is the attitude of Christians to the Cult of the Emperor: the refusal of the martyrs to celebrate it put them outside the law, turning them into traitors and a threat to the State. They opposed the eternal Kingdom of God and the temporary power of Caesars. The Roman identity was replaced by the Christian one: martyrs considered themselves as citizens not of Rome, but of the Kingdom of God. Christians pointed out that the Emperor was ordained by God, which means that His instructions and commandments were more important. The exe‑ cution of the martyrs, which was supposed to humiliate them, turned into a celebration of faith, which violated the established ritual of maintaining Roman order. The convicted Christian disturbed the usual course of events, he welcomed torture, rejoiced in death and supervised his own execution. Finally, the texts of the martyrdom are ty‑ pologically similar to Acta Alexandrinorum, records of the trial and execution of pagans who criticized Rome. Observing the evolution of the image of Roman magistrates, we see how gradually the clash of the martyr and the entire Roman order turned into a conflict between a virtuous Christian and an evil governor of the province, thus removing the responsibility for the persecution from the Emperor.
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The issue (or even the riddle) of Circumcellions, rebels and persecutors of Roman landowners and Catholic priests, had long attracted the scholarly attention. Deriving their views from the writings of Optate, Augustine and later authors, and also from a fragment of the Theodosian Code, modern historians perceive Circumcellions in different ways. Their treatment depends much on their actual research field and their source priority. For example, Ch. Saumagne, preferring the legal source, considered Circumcellions as a certain social group — agricultural wage laborers; some later scholars, like T. Büttner and E. Tengström, based their research on the same concept. Others regarded Circumcellions as an issue of the Church history and precisely of the Donatist schism (W. H. C. Frend). Modern historians view the stories of Optate and Augustine from more unexpected perspective: as a form of rural Christianity (L. Dossey) and popular asceticism (B. Pottier). B. Shaw made an attempt to revive Saumagne’s theory. Today our notion of Circumcellions is more complex. They seem to be a certain mixture of lower‑class rural population and a certain form of popular Christianity, manifesting itself in ways proper for that crowd: asceticism, martyrdom, and “righteous” violence.
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The secular cult of the fallen heroes — martyrs of the revolution became the most important component of the Bolshevik historical mythology of the early Soviet period (1917–1920s). This cult clearly showed a religious origin and a number of differences from the cult of heroes of the later Soviet era. The early revolutionary martyrdom, from February 1917 and the first months after October 1917, developed as a collective and largely anonymous, symbolic phenomenon. These features were also evident in the early martyriums, the mass graves on the Field of Mars in Petrograd and near the Kremlin Wall in Moscow. However, the Bolsheviks’ creation of their own, revolutionary secular pantheon based on religious models later individualized martyrdom and developed its special criteria. A sign of individualization was the compilation of martyrologies and the formation of practices of veneration of martyrs’ burial places. The cult of martyrs acquired an international character through inclusion in the pantheon of the victims of revolutionary events in Europe. The discursive tropes formed to describe heroic martyrdom initially normalized only violent death at the hands of the enemy. After the end of the Civil War, however, the emerging linguistic ritualization allowed for the heroization of the circumstances of death: those who died of illness, accidents, even suicides were counted as martyrs. Gradually the number of heroes was reduced while the range of their types was, on the contrary, expanded. The martyr hero took an increasingly modest place in the hierarchy of heroes, the tropes of describing martyrdom were simplified and standardized, and their biographies were straightened and taken on a symbolic rather than an individual form.
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The practice of glorification and “civil canonization” of heroes of revolutions and wars in Soviet Russia started in the first years after the 1917 Revolution and continued throughout the entire period of the existence of the USSR. In the article, the author uses specific examples to consider how these practices were carried out in public discourse, first in the USSR, and then in Russia, in relation to Soviet military — participants in the war in Afghanistan (1979–1989). The author explores the transformation of the image of the Afghan veterans in the 1980s, which included some elements of martyrdom. The author relies primarily on the materials of late Soviet military journalism. Then the article deals with the post‑Soviet practices of glorification of the Afghan veterans and their relationship with the continuity of the cult of the veterans of the previous wars, especially the Great Patriotic War. The author concludes that in the modern public discourse, the characteristics of Christian martyrs are directly transferred to the image of the “Afgantsy”, which was not the case in the Soviet period when their exploits were mainly placed within the revolutionary narratives and secular martyrdom.
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This article deals with the transformations of the narrative of martyrdom in the official and unofficial Iranian discourse in recent decades. The narrative’s origin goes back to the Battle of Karbala (680 CE) which became the starting point in the separation of the Shīʻa branch of Islam and provided a basis for a set of commemorative practices and the development of the cult of martyrs. The two most prominent public intellectuals of the 1960–1970s — ʻAlī Sharīʻatī and Murtaẓa Muṭahharī — developed a new, consistent narrative of Shīʻa rituals and symbols, which is called the “Karbala paradigm” in recent scholarship. The “Karbala paradigm” emerged as a powerful ideological tool during the Islamic Revolution of 1979, the Iran‑Iraq war, and the post‑war reconstruction of Iran. The adaptability of Shīʻa rituals and symbols sustained by the current Iranian regime’s monopoly on their interpretation became the reason not only for the active use of the mobilization potential of the “Karbala paradigm” but also for its routinization. However, the reaction to the most recent murders of Qāsem Suleimanī and Abu Mahdī al‑Muhandis showed a dynamic development of the cult of the “new martyrs” within the old paradigm.
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This article is an attempt to analyze the problem of understanding and defining the phenomenon of martyrdom in relation to the history and culture of India. The application of the concept of “martyrdom” to different (in particular, non‑Abrahamic) religions and to different societies poses a number of problems related to the cross‑cultural conceptualization of this phenomenon and the application of the very term “martyrdom” or its analogues to those cultures where such a concept was initially absent. Being originally Christian, the concept of martyrdom undergoes all kinds of transformations and modifications as applied to different contexts. We therefore start with defining some key criteria of the phenomenon. First, it is the presence of external forces and circumstances causing the death of a martyr; second, it is a reference to some good ideas or goals for which the martyr died; third, it is a posthumous memory and veneration, directly related to the death of a martyr who thus becomes a role model. The authors single out three possible models of martyrdom, known in the history and culture of India: shahadat — suffering and death for one’s beliefs, both religious and political, underlying the modern Indian national “pantheon” of martyrs; the kshatriya model, associated with military ethics; and the vernacular model, which underlies the formation of locally worshiped deities and deified heroes.
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This article examines the history of the so‑called “Christian century” (1549–1639), the period between the arrival of the Jesuit missionaries and the last Christian revolt before the final ban on the foreign religion, which ended with the persecution and martyrdom of Japanese Christians. The article shows the beginning of the Jesuit mission in Japan, their strategies and certain errors, as well as their activities in the time of persecution. The article then illustrates how the spread of Christianity in Japan at its different stages was related to the lo‑ cal politics. The persecution and extermination of Christianity in the country should be analyzed in this context. The unique feature of the Japanese Christian Martyrdom was the Christians’ explicit willingness to die as martyrs. This attitude is explained with the reference to some elements of the Japanese traditional mentality, which might be consistent with some Christian concepts.
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The article deals with the theoretical and empirical development of a model within the framework of the constructivist theory of martyrdom: the analysis of martyrdom as a “reputational project”. Within this general theory, martyrdom is considered not as an objective event of someone’s violent death for certain beliefs, but as its interpretation — a post‑factum created narrative anchored in the collective memory of the community. This means that martyrs are rather “made” than “appear”. The author’s conceptualization of martyrdomas a reputational project focuses on the individual or collective subject of this narrative (a “reputational entrepreneur” in the terminology of sociologist Gary A. Fine); on the raw material, symbolic and human resources available to them, as well as specific situational prerequisites for the project to succeed or fail. The article proposes a three‑part typology of entrepreneurs and exemplifies each type with case studies. These are (1) “autobiographical” entrepreneurs, who initiate a project concerning themselves; (2) “biographers”, who initiate a project concerning someone else; (3) “diffuse” entrepreneur, which is a collective entity. Finally, the article analyzes the cases where a reputational project was initiated but failed or turned out to be unclaimed, leaving a person unrecognized as a legitimate martyr. Stemming from some case studies, the author makes assumptions on why some such projects succeed, while others failed, and also, why some martyrs become more popular than others. At the end of the article, there is a list of the main prerequisites and circumstances that affect the outcome of the project: the quality of the original hagiographic data; its conformity with an established religious tradition; the presence or absence of a decent “cause,” for which the martyr allegedly died; the request from a community; the entrepreneur’s personality; and possible contestations from opponents or deniers of martyrdom. Particular attention is paid to problematic phenomena beyond religious traditions or on their margins, like “political” martyrdom.
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The article examines the development of Atbasar, a small town in the northern part of the Kazakh Steppe, in the early twentieth century, as discussed in the Tatar press. In 1906, Atbasar attracted the attention of the two influential Tatar newspapers, “Vakyt” and “Ul’fat,” who approached the towns’ problems in very different ways. They debated over the ways the local problems could be combined with the challenges of the current imperial reforms; the reforms of Muslim education; the process of Tatar/Turkic national consolidation, etc. The analysis of the language of publications and of the additional archival sources show that such debates were motivated by the particular interests of certain involved groups (reformers, newspapers editors, merchants) rather than the desire for detailed and comprehensive analysis of the situation of a particular region. The conclusion is that the analyzed debates were, in most cases, a competition of certain linguistic strategies, rather than a real discussion of efficient reforms.
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This article deals with the correspondence between the Russian orientalists and their informants, Muslim intellectuals of the Russian Empire. It reveals the impact of the practice of correspondence on the process of knowledge formation about the Muslim regions of the Empire. This task requires the concentration on the conditions of such practice. Subsequently, it is important to study different methodologies of the explication of the meanings the main actors use in their texts. The senior generation of Muslim intellectuals were interested in Orientalists’ abilities to preserve the local knowledge and provide the inter‑generational transition. The younger generation of intellec‑ tuals were seeking new communicative methodologies to ensure further progress of their communities. These factors were the basis of interaction between different groups of experts. This interaction led to the reconfiguration of the knowledge about the Muslim communities in the modern era.
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